Showing posts with label sovereign debt. Show all posts
Showing posts with label sovereign debt. Show all posts

27 August 2018

To see the future of the West, study New Zealand’s and Zimbabwe's crises

How long can the worlds' gluttony for debt continue? Seemingly forever, until it cannot. That was the experience of New Zealand in the 1970s and early 1980s when government subsidies ruled the economy until the country went broke. 

(Summary: New Zealand radically liberalised the economy, suffered through terrible social and economic pain, and emerged as a modern, vibrant and growing economy. Growing debt cannot last forever, and when a country hits the wall, it can go the way of New Zealand through the pain and recovery, or the way of Zimbabwe to more debt and devaluation, inflation and longer pain with not gain. Europe and the US have this in their future, we just cannot guess when, and we cannot guess which choice they will make.)

Through the first half of the twentieth century, New Zealand’s close ties to England ensured a steady flow of lamb and milk products from the former colony to “blighty”, at economic terms that benefited both the UK and New Zealand. This ensured that the New Zealand agrarian and rural economy continued to grow, benefiting the entire country. This also allowed for subsidies on imported goods, and on good assembled in New Zealand from imported parts (such as automobiles).

That could not and did not last forever. 

When the UK joined the European Common Market, they were required to abandon their Commonwealth trading relationships and imposed the common European trading relations, which included protectionism for European economies. New Zealand suffered. But so did Australia.

After Britain had joined the EEC Australian butter exports dropped by more than 90 percent; the Australian apple trade declined from 86,000 tonnes in 1975 to just 27,000 tonnes in 1990. The economic consequences of Britain's European ambitions for Australia were severe.

New Zealand was hit even harder, with pre-EM exports to the UK accounting for up to 55% of all exports (1958 – 1960), with 90% of milk and butter going to the UK, and over 95% of lamb (and 80% of mutton). This export market had grown New Zealand sheep populations into the 60+ million sheep, or 15 sheep for every Kiwi.

The short story is that with the loss of the UK markets, the New Zealand government and the National Party (the conservative and party of rural and agricultural New Zealand) attempted to hold up farming and rural incomes through subsidies. Up to 40% of the value of a sheep was in subsidies.

The only problem was that the National government (the conservative party) was running deficits like crazy to fund the range of subsidies, and the deficits were doing exactly what should be expected, devaluing the currency and increasing national debt servicing costs. Inflation was high, and a wage and price freeze did nothing to alleviate the problem, and international pressure was undermining the value of the currency.

And they continued to build that debt, and pay the subsidies, until one day the money ran out, or more realistically, until National and the Prime Minister were told by Treasury that the money was going to run out. The crisis had arrived.

So, having kicked the can down the road as long as they could, heaping subsidy on subsidy, hoping that it would all fall apart under the “next” guy’s administration, they ran out of money. It was their problem.

What to do?

Well, Robert Muldoon did what any responsible politician and Prime Minister should do – he got drunk and while drunk, called a snap election, knowing full well that National would lose, and the problem would be Labour’s.

Not surprisingly, National lost, and Labour won. A multi-year devaluation of the currency, ballooning sovereign debt payments, rising unemployment, and a disconnection from urban New Zealand meant it was time for a change.

The only small problem was that the day after Labour won, NZ Treasury went to the new (soon to be installed) government and said “Sorry to tell you this, but there is no money for your programme. In fact, you might not even be able to make the sovereign debt payment that is due soon.”

The can had been kicked as far and as long as possible.

So began years of economic restructuring in New Zealand, with years of associated pain up and down society. With no subsidies, large numbers of farms became financially unsustainable, with bankruptcies and forced sales. There were stories of farmers committing suicide as the auctioneers arrived at the properties.

Automobile assembly plants closed with the loss of jobs. Imports rocketed in price, and taxes increased to nose-bleed levels. I remember 66% income tax over a (fairly low) level.

Labour had the courage to throw away their platform and enact wide-ranging economic reforms. The pain was incredible. 75,000 manufacturing jobs and over 20,000 jobs in the public sector were lost in the five years from 1987 - 1992. With the pain of liberalising the economy, employment began to grow again through the 1990s, and New Zealand became one of the most open economies in the OECD (from a position of being the least open of 24 OECD economies in 1984).




The sale of State Owned Enterprises resulted in both massive pain, exportation of profits from the privatised industries (such as Telecom NZ), but also the modernisation of industries that remained in government hands as businesses (such as NZ Post), most of which became profitable businesses returning an ongoing dividend stream to the Crown (NZ Government).

Unlike New Zealand, when Zimbabwe hit the wall of national debt, they kept printing money and borrowing, resulting in devaluation and inflation, and ultimately a ruined economy (with a little help from property confiscations and destruction of businesses). 

  



Looking at the chart above, national debt exploded to almost 140% of GDP, dropped, then peaked again at 147% of GDP before dropping again. Why did it drop? Without even minimum fiscal discipline, international lenders simply would not buy Zimbabwean national debt at any price, and maturing debt had to be repaid – with printed money. The cycle repeated, and debt to GDP has stabilised around 80%. 

What stopped the international community? When “the inflation rate reached a peak of 89.7 sextillion (10^21) percent” in 2008.

New Zealand, by contrast, managed to keep inflation, while high for a period, relatively under control, and the economic reforms and fiscal discipline provided the comfort required to manage international expectations of the value of the currency. Inflation peaked before Muldoon was forced out (by his own policies) and was brought under control by the Lange government.

The national debt was also brought under control and paid down, and while spending and borrowing have increased, debt to GSP ratio remains well under 30%; healthy by international standards, and simply low by OECD and “First World” standards. 

  



Where to the “West”?

Current debt levels in Europe and the United States are simply unsustainable. And yet the borrowing continues, and balanced budgets (forget about paying down debt) so not exist in any of the major European countries or the US. This cannot continue forever, and the real question is equally simple:

Will the “West” chose the New Zealand route of hard choices and “short term” (3 – 5 years) pain, or the Zimbabwean choice of continued printing of money, devaluation, and hyperinflation?

The following graphic shows the results of the choice made by New Zealand, and the choice made by Zimbabwe. The grey is 1994, blue is 2004, and green is 2014. Zimbabwe’s choice effectively destroyed their economy and they have lost more than a decade. New Zealand’s choice has, after a difficult period in the 1980s and early 1990s, resulted in a consistent and solid growth.


 'C' = Household consumption expenditure, 'G' = General government final consumption expenditure, 'I' = Gross capital formation, 'X' = Exports of goods and services, 'M' = Imports of goods and services



What New Zealand in the 1970s and early 1980s also shows us is that politicians will continue with their profligacy until they cannot. They will keep kicking the can down the road until they cannot. They will keep hoping that their policies can continue until the “next guy” has to deal with it.

We know this because it already happened, in New Zealand and then, to a lesser extent, in 2008, resulting in TARP and bailouts of industries that lasted for years in the US and across Europe. 

Unfortunately, the ammunition to replicate that kind of stimulus probably no longer exists, and as with Zimbabwe, the first period of money printing did not teach politicians that this was a major danger, but seems to have taught them that they can do it again, and again. Now the Fed (in the US) and the ECB (in Europe) face the problem of QT - Quantitative Tightening, a process as fraught with risk as the original QE. Growing economies do not like restrictions on the money supply.

So what choices will the politicians make next time? Whatever the answer, I suspect we will see the results before long.



04 April 2018

Will the US become the new Greece?

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This continues my series of closer looks at the seven areas I think can bring the 103 (now 105?) month economic expansion in the US to an end. The previous articles are here (overview)here (interest rates), and here (Inflation).
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When considering "Budget Deficits" we are naturally looking at Government deficits, and not the overall global debt load, a load that in and of itself should scare almost anyone. In addition, government deficits are not a US-only problem, at least not US government debt alone. Governments around the world have spent the past decade amassing an ever growing pile of national debt. This has been an easy way to stimulate economies, placate masses, and generally take advantage of the ability to make new, cheap money, or to access pools of "cheap" money.

What happens when the markets' perception turns, and easy government money is viewed as a liability that will push down economic growth? The answer is Greece, where crushing debt, and without its own flexible, sovereign currency, coupled with no external forgiveness resulted in the destruction of the economy, in a self-reinforcing cycle of negative government policies and economic collapse.

How long can budget deficits continue to grow before the markets decide that US sovereign debt is no longer "risk free", or that there are other options for making a return greater (and at equal or lower risk) than government debt? When will there be a tipping point of belief that deficits and national debt payments actually do matter, with the expectation of a drag on economic growth by allocation of national budgets to interest payments, greater probability of a recession, ultimately resulting is loss of market confidence (and reduced resilience should a recession occur)?

Couple the growth of visible budget deficits with the fiscal gap of promised future expenditure, and the outlook is even worse (though perhaps a subject for a future article).

There is a fine balance between Sovereign debt as a safe-haven, and the returns on sovereign debt being strong enough to shift money from other markets - especially if such strength is due to an increase return (the occasional spikes in Spanish and other European debt as a good example), and therefore the future drain on government coffers to pay the interest. Once those interest payments are perceived as being high enough to impact the economic viability of the rest of the economy, we could see a general loss of faith and an associated flight to any "safe" none-market assets.

It is fairly easy to see the reason for concern. Currently 6% of the Federal budget is required to make payments on the interest on the national debt. This is interest only, at an average rate of 2.32% for January 2018, which on a national (Federal) debt of $21 Trillion. This should represent an annualised total debt servings cost of $481 Billion, with no associated reductions in the outstanding debt. In fact, US Federal debt will continue to grow, and with that growth, an even growing servicing cost.

Currently the Fed 10-Year treasury rate is hovering around 2.8%. This is a .5% increase over the past six months effectively matching the increase in the Fed discount rate.

So what happens if the Fed does deliver 3 rate hikes in 2018 (2 more)? If they increase at the .25% rate, we should see a Fed rate in the 2.75% range from the current 2.25% rate.

All things being equal, we should then see the actual rate of interest paid by the US Government rise by .75% to around 3.1%. This excludes any sovereign debt risk premium should China and Japan stop purchasing US sovereign debt, or if there is another downgrade of US debt.

So if we then look at the total that would be payable on the $20.7 Trillion debt, (but for simplicity staying at the current level even though this debt will rise to closer to 21.5 Trillion by the end of the year). The increase to 3.1% across the $20.7 Trillion debt would result in an annualised cost of $642 Billion, an increase of almost $160 Billion.

Markets will look at that increase, and see a combination of increased government spending to fund that debt, and a compounding level of debt expenditure. If the current debt load on the US budget is at 6%, every increase squeezes the amount of government spending available for non-debt servicing expenditure.

This at a time when economists are predicting that the US will begin running almost perpetual $1 trillion deficits. The interest component of the Federal budget is going to rise quickly. The tipping point will come not when the debt can no longer be serviced, as that realistically is too far in the future to be meaningful in terms of market reactions (years, not months). But it will be the tipping point of lost confidence that such deficits can deliver economic growth. And that point is either very soon, or may already have passed.

In their 2009 book “This Time Is Different” Reinhart and Rogoff state that national debt above 90% of GDP results in falling GDP growth. This number certainly caught the headlines, and for a while was presented as a Great Truth. Of course, there were then numbers of papers downplaying that Truth, and highlighting potential errors in their calculations.

Yet their premise stood up to critics, in as much as the 90% threshold does seem to signal a future decline in GDP growth due to debt servicing headwinds at the national level.

The United States is now well past that level, with the current (Federal) debt load of $21 trillion, and State and Local debt loads adding another $3 trillion, for a combined government debt load of $24 trillion. This against a GDP of approximately $19.5 trillion, the US is already running at well over 105% at the Federal debt level, with an additional 15% debt at the State and Local level.

This entire discussion ignores, though it should not, the fiscal gap, and therefore excludes the future bow wave of additional, already promised expenditure. It was this bow wave of pensions expenditure and social support expenditure that ensured Greece would only dig deeper into debt, regardless of bail-outs. 

Both the US and the UK face such a systemic problem - over promise of future expenditure that is not already considered in existing budget and deficit projections. In addition, these future promised expenditures are not limited to the Federal government budgets, and we already are seeing pressure on state and local level pension and entitlement programs.

At some stage there will be a loss of confidence that the combined debt load is manageable, and that the predicted negative impact on growth either has begun or will be felt in the near term.

When that happens, the “US will be the new Greece”. That will not be a pretty picture.